A Gang-Up in Bishkek: The Ceasefire Pressure, the Bloc That Flinched, and the Alliance That Held
Introduction
The Duran's two hosts return from the Bishkek SCO summit with one story told three ways: what happened in the room, who sent the pressure, and what it did to Russia's map of friends. A near-gang-up led by India's Modi; a bloc that flinches; an axis that holds. What follows reconstructs the argument with attribution and hedging in place. Three things discussed on air were checked for this article: Modi's Bishkek peace remarks (wire coverage), Putin's post-summit press conference (the Kremlin's own transcript), and the final declaration's omission of Ukraine (TASS, Times of Central Asia). One check cuts against the relay: Putin told the same presser he never discussed a freeze with Tokayev at all. The fury reading, the sanctions-fear mechanism, the China-exclusion attribution and every forecast are the speakers' own.
The Lecture
Mercouris's headline from the summit: "something that closely approximated to a gang up against Putin in Bishkek," and "the leader was Narendra Modi," India's prime minister. In the meeting with Putin, Modi went public: "there has to be peace, all the world wants peace between Russia and Ukraine" — if war continues humanity steps back, if peace comes it steps forward — with India framed as "the country of Mahatma Gandhi and of the Buddha" that always stands for peace, hostilities to end as soon as possible. From the footage, Mercouris reads Putin as furious: "extremely angry to be lectured by Modi in that kind of way." Erdogan "was talking in much the same way"; Tokayev — Kazakhstan's president, "supposedly an ally" — "apparently weighed in and said the same things" (a relay the Kremlin transcript leaves unconfirmed). And "one leader, ultimately perhaps the most important one, didn't": Xi Jinping.
The Complaint and the Denial
Putin had to parry the ceasefire demands — and complained about it: after the Black Sea action, the Ukrainians "went to all the Arab states... to India... to Turkey... they begged these countries to get us to stop" (verified in the Kremlin's grain-answer, framed there as getting cargo released). Asked about special pressure: "We weren't put under any special pressure" — merely the respected friends' contributions about ending the conflict quickly. The hosts' hermeneutic: "when Putin talks like that, you know that they do have a problem with it." The outcome: "Putin went away having conceded nothing"; the final statement "didn't refer to Ukraine at all" (verified — as at Astana 2024 and Tianjin 2025); with Xi's backing, "he won in effect a diplomatic victory" — under considerable pressure from erstwhile friends.
Who Is Doing the Calling
Christoforou's question: do the hedgers care — or is it Washington? His answer: "the US is calling up Kazakhstan" and India, working its leverage, so Ukraine "can get the time that it needs to rearm" and restart the war later; Brazil's Lula hears "we can make the elections easy for you or we can make the elections difficult for you" — though the US lacks "sufficient tools to put on China," hence Beijing's different behavior. Mercouris confirms: "that is exactly what's driving this." What angered Putin was the packaging — "trotting out people like the Buddha and Mahatma Gandhi" — over a country "perfectly prepared to use force to defend its interests," in a conflict with Pakistan a year ago. The mechanism he learned in Moscow: BRICS officials afraid of "sanctions against them personally"; and none of them care about Ukraine — "it's the Americans who have been calling them." The cost to Russia: listening to this, and "rhetorical concessions" about negotiations to hold BRICS and the SCO together — while Putin's own presser shows "he no longer believes in it."
The Bloc That Flinched
Bishkek makes BRICS look weak — and the weakness has a ledger. After Kazan in October 2024, with every arrangement made for the payment systems, "basically nothing happened because first the Brazilians and then others showed extreme nervousness" — everyone scared of the US. Mercouris's verdict: "the BRICS ultimately is very weak" — collectively scared of the Americans. China behaved differently: the extraordinarily long readout of Xi's meeting with Putin "didn't once mention Ukraine" — the topic put totally to one side — with much talk that Power of Siberia 2 "is now resolved," announcement soon. And his no-doubt-at-all attribution: "it was China that ensured that Ukraine was kept out of" the final statement — the others would have wanted a reference to keep the Americans happy; Russia alone lacked the authority; China and Russia together kept Ukraine out entirely. The exclusion is verified; the mechanism is his inference.
The Trust Ledger
Christoforou runs the leverage arithmetic: whatever the US has on these countries, Russia has counters — "India needs the Russian oil" it must refine for its own economy, and "Kazakhstan without good relations with Russia is going nowhere" — so the leaders say what they must to get Washington off their backs. Mercouris qualifies: the Russians are not that relaxed, because their "erstwhile allies are not fully to be trusted on this issue." Moscow notices the asymmetry — "the absolutely unstinting support that Ukraine gets from its allies" versus the very conditional support Russia receives — and increasingly feels it is "taking on the entire collective West by themselves," never so starkly exposed, after five years of explaining to indifferent friends. The counterweights cut both ways: Putin's softness was the friends' own doing — years of "please don't go too hard" — so Bishkek "may also be a wake-up call"; and "in the first 2 years of the war the Russians absolutely needed their friends," hence the softer diplomacy then. The ledger after Bishkek: "if they have any reliable ally it is China and even more North Korea" — the relationship flowered precisely because "North Korea on this conflict has been fully committed," unmatched by any other country.
What Victory Does
The close is the winning-wars doctrine with its mirror. The hedging was information-war-made: "we're reading in the New York Times that Russia is in a stalemate" — economy collapsing — so India and Kazakhstan hedged their bets. As the truth can no longer be covered up, the Indias and Kazakhstans "line up in back of Russia to support Russia" — and Mercouris agrees that "winning wars is absolutely the way" to build stable alliances. But a decisive victory changes the balance of power: "we are going to see some signs of concern" in Ankara, Delhi, Astana, Brasilia. Turkey: a Russia controlling the whole northern coast plus Crimea means "Turkey loses its strong position in the Black Sea." Kazakhstan: "how are we going to deal with this giant in the north," with so much of its population aligned with Russia — Georgia's conversations were already there. India is the other category: a very large body of opinion "would welcome a decisive Russian victory" as a counterbalance with the US and China. A readjustment period follows; Kazakhstan gets over it; Turkey's problem is real — but it too will "figure out a way to adjust to it."
Interview Highlights
5 exchanges- Q
What actually happened to Putin at the SCO summit in Bishkek?
Alex Christoforou asked00:00AAlexander Mercouris answeredSomething that closely approximated a gang-up against Putin happened at Bishkek, and the leader was Narendra Modi. Over the course of the meeting Modi said outright that there has to be peace — all the world wants peace between Russia and Ukraine; India is the country of Mahatma Gandhi and of the Buddha and always stands for peace; hostilities should end as soon as possible. From the footage Mercouris read Putin as furious — extremely angry to be lectured by Modi in that way. Erdogan was talking in much the same way, and Tokayev, the president of Kazakhstan, supposedly an ally, apparently said the same things. Putin's complaint at his press conference: when the Russians took the action in the Black Sea, the Ukrainians went to all their friends and allies — the Arab states, India, Turkey — begging those countries to get Russia to stop. Asked whether Russia came under special pressure in Bishkek, he said no — they merely listened to their respected friends' contributions — which, when Putin talks like that, means they did have a problem with it. The outcome: Putin conceded nothing, refused a ceasefire, had the backing of Xi — and the final statement did not refer to Ukraine at all: a diplomatic victory, but the pressure from erstwhile friends was considerable.
- Q
Do Modi and Tokayev really care about a ceasefire — or is Washington the driver?
Alex Christoforou asked05:35AAlexander Mercouris answeredIt is US pressure — and what particularly angered Putin about Modi's comments was the packaging: trotting out the Buddha and Mahatma Gandhi to claim India is a country that always stands for peace, when India is perfectly prepared to use force to defend its interests — it was in a conflict with Pakistan just a year ago — and is not a country that turns the other cheek. The mechanism, as learned in Moscow: the Russians have concluded that some BRICS leaders and officials are afraid of sanctions — not just sanctions against their countries, but against them personally — and there are others in these governments nervous about American sanctions or secondary sanctions. None of them care about Ukraine, or about phone calls from Zelensky, whom none of them like; it is the Americans who have been calling them and telling them to put pressure on Putin. What it costs Russia: having to listen to this sort of thing, and to make rhetorical concessions — talking about the possibility of negotiations with the Ukrainians — in order to keep BRICS and the SCO together, when Putin's own press conference makes it absolutely clear he no longer believes in it.
- Q
How weak is BRICS — and which partnership inside it actually matters?
Alex Christoforou asked10:11AAlexander Mercouris answeredAfter the BRICS conference in Kazan in October 2024, when all the arrangements were made to set up the various BRICS payment systems — BRICS Pay and all of that — basically nothing happened, because first the Brazilians and then others showed extreme nervousness about moving forward, all of them scared of the US — leaving the Russians both scornful and deeply frustrated, and BRICS looking collectively weak. The axis that absolutely matters within BRICS is China-Russia — and China's behavior at Bishkek was completely different. The Chinese readout of Xi Jinping's meeting with Putin, extraordinarily long as always, did not once mention Ukraine: the sense is that the Chinese have put the topic totally to one side and are forging forward with the relationship — with a lot of talk that the Power of Siberia 2 pipeline discussions are now resolved and an announcement could come very soon. Mercouris has no doubt it was China that ensured Ukraine was kept out of the SCO summit declaration's final statement: Modi, Tokayev and Erdogan would undoubtedly have wanted some reference to Ukraine, if only to keep the Americans happy, and the Russians by themselves might not have had enough authority to prevent it — China and Russia together ensured Ukraine was not mentioned at all.
- Q
After Bishkek, whom does Russia actually trust?
Alex Christoforou asked13:17AAlexander Mercouris answeredThe Russians are not quite as relaxed about it as the leverage arithmetic suggests. What Bishkek exposed is that their erstwhile allies are not fully to be trusted on this issue. There are people in Moscow who compare the absolutely unstinting support Ukraine gets from its allies with the very conditional support Russia gets from its own; that difference is noticed, it irritates, and it might have impact in the future. Even China draws commentary — drone components — though the rhetorical support Ukraine enjoys is on an entirely different level. Increasingly the Russians feel they are taking on the entire collective West by themselves — never so starkly exposed as at this conference, after almost five years of explaining the situation to friends who show complete indifference to it. Two qualifications: the friends' pleas did shape policy — Putin went soft on Ukraine and the collective West for years at BRICS and Eurasian friends' urging, a possible wake-up call — and in the first two years of the war Russia visibly needed its friends and slow-walked its diplomacy accordingly. But if Russia has any reliable ally now it is China — and even more North Korea, whose extraordinary flowering of ties with Russia rests precisely on its full commitment, in a way no other country has matched.
- Q
What does a decisive Russian victory do to the hedging countries?
Alex Christoforou asked19:11AAlexander Mercouris answeredWinning wars is absolutely the way to establish stable long-term alliances — and the hedging ran the other way for years: because Putin went soft at his friends' urging, the Western information war could present Russia as stalled — stalemate in the New York Times, a collapsing Russian economy — feeding doubts in India and Kazakhstan about throwing their support behind Russia. As the reality can no longer be covered up, those countries will stand a little firmer behind Russia. But over the next few months, as Ukraine deteriorates, there will also be signs of concern in Ankara, Delhi, Astana and Brasilia: a decisive Russian victory changes the international balance of power, and that is unsettling. Turkey loses its strong position in the Black Sea if Russia ends up controlling the entire northern coast plus Crimea. Kazakhstan, facing the giant in the north — with a large part of its population fundamentally aligned with Russia — will be nervous, as conversations in Georgia already were. India is a completely different category: a very large body of opinion would quietly welcome a decisive Russian victory as a counterbalance with the United States and China. A period of readjustment follows: Kazakhstan gets over it; for Turkey the problem is real — with the Black Sea.
