Reading the Iran War as a Designed Trap: Fertilizer, Energy, and the Squeeze on China
A Thesis Assembled From Known Outcomes
Ryan Perkins, joining The Duran for the first time, opened with the origin of his hypothesis: he began writing shortly after the war started in March because the initial picture did not look right to him. Reading across ten to twenty years of policy papers and strategic literature, he found two constants — regime change in Iran was consistently judged unlikely to succeed without major ground forces, and any military operation would be answered by Iran closing the Strait of Hormuz. His inference is the episode's foundation: if the closure and the failed regime change were known outcomes, perhaps the closure was the actual intention, timed so the fertilizer and energy shocks would synchronize around September and October.
Three Targets, and India in the Crosshairs
He treated a public remark as early vindication: the video he watched that Friday opened with Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent flagging an energy shock (verified against Mediaite's September 2 report, which quotes Bessent saying the country "is going through an energy shock right now" — an "about to enter" rendering on air). The war, in his account, exists to shape the economic landscape in a way that facilitates this trap — and the incompetence narrative, he argued, is the standard bridge between a policy imperative and public acceptance in a democracy.
Two Vulnerabilities: Factories and Offshore Yuan
The weapon, as he maps it, has three targets: China first — an extension of economic containment around China — then the solidarity of BRICS, and finally a warning to the global south about the relative safety of the dollar zone. India sits most exposed: most of its fertilizer and feedstock moves through Hormuz, 80% of its oil imports pass through the strait, and a climbing import bill pressures the rupee. Brazil's exposure runs through fertilizer, where he pointed to wire coverage: Reuters had reported Brazilian soybean farmers losing their edge over US rivals (verified: the Reuters analysis ran June 8, thirteen weeks before this episode — earlier than the "three or four weeks ago" he recalled, but matching the substance). China, he noted, is different — largely self-sufficient in fertilizer, to the point that India asked Beijing for help as the crisis began.
The Unthinkable Option
The two vulnerabilities are the analytic core of the hypothesis. The first is China's small and medium-sized manufacturing sector, which absorbed the early-pandemic global inflation wave on thin margins; government support could then bridge to normal because the disruption was short, while an eighteen-month-to-two-year shock leaves nowhere to bridge to. The second is the offshore RMB pool. China buys about half its oil in RMB — 45% of its Saudi purchases, around a fifth of its UAE purchases, 99% of its Russian ones — and the surplus cannot all be recycled into Chinese goods and services, so it is exchanged on open markets. It is one currency with two exchange rates: dearer oil means more RMB converted abroad, downward pressure on the offshore rate, and a dilemma — the fiscal policy that props up the SME sector is directly opposed to the policy that defends the exchange rate. This, he argues, is the vulnerability a market operator turned Treasury Secretary would exploit.
Reconnaissance and the Plaza Parallel
The dilemma has one exit nobody would take. Asked what would happen if China simply severed the floating RMB from its internal currency, Perkins answered that that would be the moment the entire BRICS financial architecture starts to crumble — the unthinkable option. Defending the rate by hiking instead forecloses the stimulus playbook used last time. Mercouris set the situation against history: the offshore Eurodollar pool that destabilized Bretton Woods, and Soros breaking the Exchange Rate Mechanism in 1992 — with Bessent active around the ERM crisis and, in the hosts' account, running similar plays since.
Signs of the Trap — and the Loose Ends
Read through this lens, the tariff war changes meaning: a way for the US to test for vulnerabilities and observe China's retaliation pathways, with the president's scattergun style providing plausible cover. The objective, Perkins clarified, is not to break China but to force a Plaza Accord type agreement — Japan's 1985 revaluation as the template: revaluation crushed the export sector, cheap money inflated asset bubbles, US rate rises burst them, and the lost decade followed. Whether America would benefit is another matter: there is no blueprint for reindustrializing a country, and in his argument the dollar's reserve status is precisely why the United States de-industrialized — with Germany's post-reunification trajectory, in his telling, repeating the pattern Britain ran a century earlier.
The evidence he offers that the trap is working: India staved off the predicted food shortfall only by buying urea at twice the pre-crisis price and passing the cost to farmers at a subsidized rate — moving the strait's economic shock onto the government balance sheet, "the first visible sign," in his words, that the trap works. On BRICS, Mercouris relayed what Russian officials told him in Moscow: the 2024 payment-system push culminating in Kazan stalled under Brazil's presidency, the Brazilians and Indians feared personal US sanctions, and the acrimony was real — an account Perkins says matches his own conversation with Radhika Desai at the Vladivostok forum. On the pipeline, he reports the delay comes from the Chinese side, attempting to work out a new route around Mongolia (verified: Reuters reported the rename to "Power of Baikal" on September 2 — consistent with a route change, though public reporting still describes the Mongolian corridor). He closed on the deep foundation: a public awareness, down to Beijing taxi drivers, that the Iran war is ultimately about China — the substrate, in his account, of a decade of political preparation. Every link in this chain is the speakers' hypothesis; the episode offers it as interpretation, not established fact.
Interview Highlights
8 exchanges- Q
What does Ryan Perkins think the Americans are actually up to with the Iran war?
Alexander Mercouris asked02:19ARyan Perkins answeredPerkins started writing about this in March because the official picture didn't look right. Across ten to twenty years of policy papers, two constants held everywhere: a regime-change operation in Iran — short and sharp or a protracted air campaign — was considered unlikely to succeed, and in any military operation Iran would close the strait. So he worked the implications: a fertilizer crisis starting at the northern hemisphere planting season; an energy shortage being created and hidden at the same time — long-term energy infrastructure destruction across the region, Venezuela, EU sanctions increasingly targeting Russia's energy exports — with prices suppressed through financial means. If both are weapons, the optimum moment for them to synchronize is the September-October harvest window, roughly six months after the fertilizer shock began — a timetable he published in April. When Bessent opened Alex's video last Friday saying the world is about to enter an energy shock, Perkins took that as vindication. His conclusion: the primary purpose of the Iran war is to shape the economic landscape to facilitate the trap — and the incompetence narrative is the standard bridge between a policy imperative and public acceptance in a democracy.
- Q
Where do prices go, who are the three targets, and what are China's two vulnerabilities?
Alexander Mercouris asked09:52ARyan Perkins answeredPrices: breaking $100 this week, possibly $120-125 by month's end, around $150 a barrel by year's end if supply carries on unchanged. The weapon has three targets: China primary — economic containment behind the military and political containment; fracturing the solidarity of BRICS; and an object warning to the global south — BRICS solidarity or the relative short-term safety of the dollar zone. India is the most exposed major economy: most of its fertilizer and feedstock comes via Hormuz, 80% of its oil imports do too, and a climbing import bill pressures the rupee toward an import-price depreciation spiral. Brazil is heavily exposed on fertilizer — Reuters reported Brazilian soybean farmers losing their edge over US growers. China's two vulnerabilities: industrial value added — the huge small and medium manufacturing sector absorbed the pandemic's global inflation wave, was bridged by a government package then because the shock was inherently short-term, and cannot be bridged the same way across an eighteen-month-to-two-year squeeze; and the offshore RMB pool — one currency, two exchange rates, and the more oil China buys in RMB, the more changes hands in the open market, pressuring the offshore rate and forcing a choice between defending the peg with higher rates and supporting SMEs. The aim: an industrial recession the government cannot cushion.
- Q
How has China been preparing — and can anything blunt the offshore-RMB trap?
Alexander Mercouris asked26:23ARyan Perkins answeredChina has been preparing for at least ten years — more like fifteen, possibly twenty: the senior leadership understood some kind of economic war was coming. The preparation shows in the enormous renewable-energy and electric-vehicle investment (energy-proofing the economy), and this year in the financial sector: currency swap agreements, an end to bond issuance in dollars, balance sheets being put in order. Mercouris folds in two points: the danger is not a gradual rise but a currency crisis forcing a very sharp, dramatic interest-rate increase — a societal shock, given how many people the SME sector employs; and his probe — why protect the floating RMB at all, what happens if China cuts it off? Perkins: that is exactly the unthinkable option — it would be the moment the entire BRICS financial architecture starts to crumble. One counter-tool so far: institutions are allowed to borrow RMB against RMB bonds straight from the central bank, to discourage selling when prices drop. And that is what makes the trap so devious — raising rates to make the RMB more attractive to hold precludes precisely the fiscal package that bridged the pandemic shock. A real dilemma.
- Q
Is the goal really to crash China — or to force a new Plaza Accord?
Alexander Mercouris asked31:41ARyan Perkins answeredNot to break China — on Perkins's reading the objective is to create enough economic leverage to force a Plaza-Accord-type agreement: not a carbon copy, but functionally similar. The 1985 precedent: Japan agreed to let its currency revalue; the revaluation crushed the export sector; the government answered with an enormous flood of cheap money; that inflated asset bubbles across the economy; US rate rises then deflated them, producing the long deflationary decade. The aim here: slow the Chinese economy and contain it for a period, buying time to reindustrialize. That, he argues, cannot happen — there is no blueprint for reindustrializing a country, and the primary reason the United States de-industrialized is the dollar's reserve status: an empire of capital runs time horizons and capital structures incompatible with industry; reindustrialization comes, if and when the dollar ceases to be the reserve currency. Germany tells the same story — de-industrializing since reunification, accelerated by the Eurozone, playing within it a role analogous to America's in the dollar zone, as Britain did in the late nineteenth century. The playbook is on the desk: the Eurodollar pool broke Bretton Woods; Soros broke the ERM in 1992; Bessent ran a similar play in Japan in 2012 and in Iran this January.
- Q
Are India and Brazil pivoting back toward the US — and why did the BRICS payment system stall?
Alexander Mercouris asked41:23ARyan Perkins answeredThe alternative financial architecture had a lot of momentum under Russia's BRICS presidency — and stalled as soon as Brazil took it over, shifting everything to green issues, then went nowhere again under India. Perkins strongly suspects US pressure: that supporting infrastructure outside the dollar zone is exactly what would have given China options now. The visible sign is India. Instead of the harvest-time food shortfall he expected, India went out and aggressively bought fertilizer and feedstock on the open market at much higher prices — urea at roughly twice the pre-crisis price — then handed it to farmers at hugely subsidized prices: the Hormuz shock moved straight onto the government balance sheet. That is creating budget problems and already pressuring the rupee — in his words, the first visible sign that the trap is working. India will not announce leaving BRICS; it will just behave in ways that make participation meaningless — the Modi ceasefire interventions fit that. Mercouris's Moscow account, from officials in the room: enormous Russian work through the 2024 Kazan summit on payment systems, Brazilian stalling and acrimony (South Africa and India siding with Brazil), and the real brake — officials in Brazil and especially India personally afraid of US sanctions against themselves. Radhika Desai told Perkins the same at Vladivostok.
- Q
What did Putin's Vladivostok speech signal — and what stood out at the forum?
Alexander Mercouris asked48:15ARyan Perkins answeredThe speech itself had little on geopolitics — and even the question-and-answer session had very little on Ukraine. What caught Perkins: Putin made a point of saying Russia is more than happy to negotiate toward an ending of the Ukraine crisis, but it has to be between Russia and Ukraine, the two belligerent parties. That surprised him — until he decided it is quite a neat get-out after Bishkek: the Ukrainians will not agree to direct negotiations, so the formula sounds accommodating while kicking the ball down the road. Beyond that: the president of Indonesia was there, very keen to improve relations and trade with Russia — the new free-trade area a potential area of cooperation; people do not realize how close that part of Russia is to Southeast Asia; and relations with Southeast Asia were a big focus of the Eastern Economic Forum. Mercouris's fold: Indonesia had very strong economic links with the USSR until the mid-1960s, when it all went away; the new president — historically associated with the pro-American regime that took over — seems interested in going back to the strong relationship the Russians used to have.
- Q
What is happening with Power of Siberia 2 and the Mongolia route?
Alexander Mercouris asked51:37ARyan Perkins answeredIt is going ahead, and being fast-tracked as much as it can be. The problem now is the choice of route. The original alignment was fixed to go through Mongolia — that had been pretty certain — but at Vladivostok Perkins was told the delay comes primarily from the Chinese side: not that they distrust Mongolia, but that they distrust what might happen to Mongolia in the near future. China is concerned about the security of routing through a third country, and they are working out a new route that would go around Mongolia and presumably come in through northeastern China, the same way Power of Siberia 1 does. The name change is itself a sign that the project is a priority. The losers are the Mongolians, who had negotiated not just transit fees but a great deal of investment into Mongolian energy infrastructure and a share of the gas — this is a big blow to them.
- Q
Does the Chinese public already know the Iran war is about China — and what has that awareness produced?
Alexander Mercouris asked54:30ARyan Perkins answeredYes — and it is not recent. That awareness underpinned much of the political change in China over the last decade. One reason the constitution was altered to allow Xi Jinping to stay past his second term: the senior leadership understood this was coming, and judged that navigating it needed continuity of leadership and a reinforced ideological backbone — there is still a large liberal-leaning, pro-US community, particularly in the big coastal cities, and the reorientation back toward a more socialist education system was preparation precisely for this, because those were the weaknesses likely to be exploited. And the awareness is ordinary, not elite: get in a taxi in Beijing and, if the driver starts talking about the Iran war, he will tell you it is actually all about China; on Ukraine they will say it is ultimately about regime change in Russia and, by extension, policy toward China. We live in very interesting times — as the Chinese themselves, he believes, actually do say.
